
President Yoon Suk-yeol attends the 10th hearing of his impeachment trial at the Constitutional Court in Seoul on February 20.
The Constitutional Court's examination of witnesses for the impeachment trial of President Yoon Suk-yeol went into the final stage after interrogating Commissioner General Cho Ji-ho, Hong Jang-won, former first deputy director of the National Intelligence Service, and Prime Minister Han Duck-soo on February 20. Through the testimonies of a total of 16 witnesses and the prosecution statements of the defendants in the rebellion case, which the Constitutional Court adopted as evidence, Yoon's sophistry was impeached and the unconstitutionality and illegality of his martial law declaration on December 3 last year was well proven.
Article 1 of the Martial Law Decree, which stipulates that “any political activities such as the activities of the National Assembly, local councils, and political parties are prohibited,” neutralizes the right of the National Assembly to demand the lifting of martial law under the Constitution, which is unconstitutional. Based on this unconstitutional provision, Yoon ordered to block the National Assembly's vote on the lifting of martial law and to arrest the National Assembly Speaker and the leaders of the ruling and opposition parties.
“I received a phone call and the president said, 'Chief Cho, arrest all the lawmakers entering the National Assembly. Arrest them. It's illegal,'” Cho told the prosecution. He said he was “telling the truth” about the prosecution's statement at the impeachment trial on that day. Hong said that Yoon told him to “arrest them all. I'll give the National Intelligence Service the right to conduct investigations into communists, so help the officers of the Defense Counterintelligence Command.” He also said that he heard the list of 14 to 16 people to arrest, including the National Assembly Speaker and the leaders of the ruling and opposition parties, over the phone from former Defense Counterintelligence Command Chief Yeo In-hyung and wrote it down, and then he sent it to his aide.
Han said, "The Cabinet meeting before the martial law declaration had substantial and formal flaws." He added, “Two days after (the martial law declaration), there was a ’Trade Day' event, and I think I was told by Yoon (just before the declaration) to attend it instead of him, or something like that.” Contrary to Yoon’s claim that it was planned to end in half a day because it was planned for “"warning,” it is believed that martial law lasts at least two days. Han said, "I've never heard that martial law will be lifted in half a day."
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On the same day, Yoon said, “Yeo In-hyung checked the location to understand what was going on, but I think it was unnecessary and wrong,” adding, “Hong turned a request by somebody who didn't know what was going on into an order to arrest them.” In other words, Yoon reduced the Yeo’s attempt to arrest some 14 to 16 people after taking the order of “Arrest them all” to “trying to understand the ongoing situation,” and demeaned somebody, a key figure in the rebellion, as a “person who doesn't know much.” It is a typical behavior trying to avoid legal responsibilities just like a loach.
Despite the abundance of testimonies and evidence showing that the emergency martial law was not for warning, but for “execution,” Yoon continued to deceive the public by claiming that “nothing happened.” As a person in the presidential office, I can only say that he is unscrupulous, with no conscience and courtesy. It is delusional to believe that the truth of that day, which was witnessed by the entire nation in real time, can be covered up with sophistry, blame-shifting, and by turning a blind eye. The only thing left for Yoon is the Constitutional Court's decision to dismiss him.