[Weekly Kyunghyang] Will the first female metropolitan/provincial chief in the nation's constitutional history emerge in the June 3 local elections? Optimistic forecasts have centered on Choo Mi-ae, the Democratic Party candidate for Gyeonggi Governor. It would be meaningful in itself if a woman took a post long monopolized by men. Yet overall, it remains uncertain whether the minimum benchmark for adequate representation, the ‘30% female nominations’ target, will be met in these local elections. On February 9, Democratic Party leader Jung Cheong-rae said at the “2026 Local Election Victory Women's Resolution Rally” at the National Assembly, "It is time to give special compensation to the women who have made special sacrifices and devotion," adding, "There should be at least 30 female heads of basic local governments." However, as of April 22, only 17 of the Democratic Party's finalized nominees for basic local government heads are women. This contrasts with 183 male nominees finalized by the party at the same time.

This year marks ten years since the 2016 murder of a woman at Exit 10 of Gangnam Station. Over the past decade, women have taken to the streets to demand a gender-equal society, and after the December 3 martial-law declaration they actively joined the impeachment plazas to call for sweeping social reforms. Why, then, does women's space remain so narrow in concrete elections and real-world politics? Women politicians who have been active locally or who sought to run in this election said parties lack the will to expand women's political participation and that a male-centered culture still dominates politics.

From the preliminary candidate stage, the number of women is overwhelmingly smaller than men. As of April 22, analysis of the National Election Commission's registry of preliminary candidates for heads of basic local governments (districts, cities, and counties) shows 81 women, or 7.6% of all preliminary candidates. Men number 982. In North Chungcheong, where 11 basic-level chief posts are at stake, 56 men registered as preliminary candidates while only one woman, Ha Yu-jung (Boeun County Chief candidate), registered, the fewest female preliminary candidates nationwide. By share of female preliminary candidates, South Chungcheong (2.8%), Gangwon (3.7%), South Gyeongsang (4.0%), and North Jeolla (4.4%) ranked lowest. Busan was highest at 16.6%, and most metropolitan cities were in the ten-percent range.

For metropolitan/provincial councilors, women numbered 454 preliminary candidates, 22.5% of the total 2,015. North Gyeongsang was lowest at 10.0% women. Only Sejong (35.0%), Seoul (30.6%), and Daejeon (30.1%) surpassed 30%. For basic-level councilors, women numbered 1,303 preliminary candidates, 25.9% of the total 5,024. That women are few from the preliminary stage means women's political participation is not occurring vigorously. This is why special measures are needed in nominations. Article 47 of the Public Official Election Act stipulates that parties should endeavor to recommend at least 30% women among local council nominees, and in either metropolitan/provincial or basic-level council elections, recommend at least one woman per constituency. The Democratic Party's party constitution and rules stipulate that women should account for at least 30% of nominees.

Looking at finalized Democratic Party nominations, all 15 metropolitan/provincial chief slots other than Choo Mi-ae went to men. Among 200 finalized nominees for basic-level chiefs, 17 are women. In Busan, six of 16 basic-level chief nominees are women, standing out the most. In Gwangju, Shin Su-jeong, the Buk District chief nominee, is vying to become the city's first female district mayor, and in North Gyeongsang, Kim Ki-hyeon, a woman in her forties, is running for Gyeongsan Mayor. In Seoul, however, only one of 22 basic-level chief nominees is a woman (Kim Mi-kyung, Eunpyeong District Chief nominee), and in Gyeonggi, only two of 31 are women (Kim Bo-ra, Anseong Mayor nominee; Park Eun-mi, Yangpyeong County Chief nominee). Daejeon, Daegu, Ulsan, Gangwon, South Chungcheong, North Jeolla, and South Jeolla had zero Democratic Party female nominees for basic-level chiefs.

For the People Power Party, many nominations have yet to be finalized, making estimates difficult. The party does have candidates aiming to become their region's first female basic-level chief, such as Eom Yoon-soon in Inje County, yet projections suggest the 30% female nominations target will be hard to achieve. Unlike the two major parties, the Progressive Party's Seoul chapter said at its April 11 candidacy announcement that "Across 52 candidates, the average age is 41.3, the share of women is 57.6%, and those in their twenties and thirties account for 44.2%, making it the most dynamic slate." For metropolitan/provincial chiefs, the Progressive Party's Jeon Hee-young is running for South Gyeongsang Governor, and the Justice Party's Kang Eun-mi is running in the JeonnamGwangju Integrated Special Mayor election.

The biggest problem cited is parties' "lack of will" within inadequate institutional frameworks. The election law's provision on recommending women says parties "should endeavor" to do so, and even the Democratic Party's rules add the caveat that parties should endeavor to include at least 30% women among chief executive nominees. It is not mandatory but advisory. Moreover, because the law allows partiesto nominate women in either metropolitan/provincial ‘or’ basic-level council races, women tend to be concentrated at the basic level. In March, when the Gyeongnam Women's Association United asked the Democratic Party's Gyeongnam chapter "What is your strategy to realize gender equality in winnable districts?", the party replied, "For basic-level council constituencies, three-term or longer incumbents will be excluded from the top 1-ga slot on the party list, and those constituencies will be designated as strategic districts to prioritize women and youth," yet it did not address metropolitan/provincial council races. Yoon So-young, standing representative of the Gyeongnam Women's Association United, said, "There are no elected women at the metropolitan/provincial level here, which is urgent, so it is hard to understand if the party intends to fulfill the 30% quota only at the basic level," adding, "We demanded concrete measures rather than hiding behind the 30% quota, but there has been no answer on that point." Results from the 2022 local elections also showed women's shares among winners were highest at the basic level: 0% for metropolitan/provincial chiefs, 3.0% for basic-level chiefs, 14.7% for metropolitan/provincial councilors, and 24.9% for basic-level councilors. In effect, women's participation is "allowed" mainly in basic-level councils, where scope and authority are smaller.

Given a system in which local lawmakers' nominations are heavily influenced by sitting district National Assembly members (district party chairs), observers warn that unless parties or local party chairs have a strong will to nominate women, women can be excluded. Such concerns were raised where female candidates were cut off and kept from primaries. In Busan, for example, two female People Power Party basic-level chief hopefuls were cut. Yoo Soon-hee, the Dong District Mayor candidate in Busan, said, "Party leader Jang Dong-hyeok declared he would create a stage where women and youth can fully pursue their aspirations, but locally we are moving in the opposite direction," adding, "Everyone knows district lawmakers hold the nomination power and make the final call, and they think irresponsibly, saying, 'Why should I make a female politician in my district?'" Yoo added, "Unless this nomination system changes, it will not be easy for political newcomers such as women and youth to clear the political hurdles in Korea." Jung Hyun-ju, a Yeosu City Councilor (Democratic Party) who was one of two women cut in Yeosu, said, "If you do not line up behind and show loyalty to the district lawmaker, it often becomes difficult to engage in any political activity at all," adding, "Even when legislative work has been good, excluding women politicians runs counter to the central party's principle of raising the share of women politicians."

Some also argue that after the Democratic Party emphasized fair nominations and principled primaries in the wake of a nomination-donation scandal, it failed to adequately consider women's nominations. In North Chungcheong, where there is only one female basic-level chief nominee and women account for a low 20.6% among metropolitan/provincial council preliminary candidates, Son Eun-sung, co-representative of Chungbuk People's Solidarity, said, "There were high expectations that the Democratic Party would nominate many women, but by making primaries an absolute principle, rules disappeared that would award high points to political newcomers, youth, women, and people with disabilities and grant them first-priority nominations," adding, "When a young woman who is a political newcomer faces off in a primary against an established man, even with some bonus points she cannot compete. The results are now showing in reality."

Because politics requires ample social capitalmoney, time, and career experiencethe gender imbalance in politics mirrors society-wide gender inequality. A former city councilor said, "To enter politics, social career experience matters, and women's social careers still lag those of men," adding, "Men already have their established domains, which makes it hard for women to advance; even when women do have experience, a male-centered, patriarchal political culture and climate often demand more ability from women than from men." She continued, "After I spoke about the MeToo movement and pursued legislative work related to gender equality, I was attacked within the party and relationships became strained," adding, "The stigma made it hard to act freely." Another councilor said, "When a woman mingles with male politicians, people find it suspicious or gossip about it," adding, "So if you avoid private gatherings like drinking sessions, it again becomes hard to build close relationships." In this environment, some women politicians, for survival, actively join male networks or, instead of prioritizing gender equality and women's issues, emphasize development and growth pledges like male politicians do.

The burdens of pregnancy, childbirth, and childcare also hinder women's political participation. Eom Saet-byeol, a Geumcheon District Councilor in Seoul, presented on women's nomination systems at a forum just ten days after giving birth while still in a postpartum care center, and returned to legislative duties on day 21; after much deliberation, she decided not to run in this local election. The reason was the heavy sense of burden and guilt over not being able to fulfill the role of mother during her four years in office. When unavoidable, she sought understanding and sometimes brought her child into standing committee meetings or carried the child while carrying out schedules, but she concluded that continuing would no longer be possible. Eom said, "Balancing a job and motherhood is a dilemma countless working mothers face," adding, "Politics, in particular, does not allow you to be a mother at the same time. There are no weekends or evenings, and you cannot reliably carve out time for your child. My family kept understanding, but doing this for another four years felt too hard." She continued, "If a family is already formed and childcare is somewhat underway, political participation may be possible, but during the youth period when you have to build that life, it is especially difficult," adding, "Women lawmakers have been very active, but life-cycle and sex-based tasks do exist."

Kim In-ae, a 35-year-old woman running for Changwon City Council (Progressive Party), said, "At my age, you practically have to be single to engage in politics." She added, "For a young woman to enter politics, she needs an economic base, and if she has a family, the family must be understanding. I worked as an aide in Representative Jung Hye-kyung's office, and my husband is also an activist, so running was possible for me, but for others this would be highly unusual." The gaze toward young women politicians is also unforgiving. She said she often hears reactions like, "You are young, so there will be a next chance," or, "Did you really run to get elected?" Kim, who served as emcee at the Changwon impeachment plaza after the martial-law declaration, said, "People said many women politicians would emerge, and that young women would become central actors in politics, but none of that is being reflected," adding, "I do not even know whether politics is interested in women in their twenties and thirties, or whether it has any will to convey their voices."

The task is not only to increase the number of women politicians but also to cultivate good women politicians. In South Gyeongsang, which currently has no elected women at the metropolitan/provincial level, Kim Kyung-young, who won her primary and is running as the Democratic Party nominee in this election, said a more fine-tuned strategy is needed to expand women politicians. Kim said, "These days, voters do not place great weight on whether a candidate is a woman. They award more points for being able to do the job well and communicate well with residents," adding, "Bias against women has declined significantly. That being so, good women politicians cannot be trained overnight, so three to four years of engaging with residents and building trust are needed in advance." She continued, "Under a system of quotas and bonus points, women's capabilities may not be fully recognized," adding, "Before we can say that more women are needed and should be elected, women still have homework to carry on their backs in this structure."

Yoon So-young said, "In South Gyeongsang, the People Power Party fielded more women than the Democratic Party, but that was not welcome because there were figures like Representative Kim Young-sun (allegations of nomination trading) and Changwon City Councilor Kim Mi-na (abusive language controversy)," adding, "Seeing women lawmakers act against democracy made it impossible to be satisfied with biological womanhood alone." She added, "We must rigorously verify whether there is a will to practice proper democracy and whether there is a correct understanding of gender equality." Even if Choo Mi-ae wins in this local election and the first female metropolitan/provincial chief in constitutional history is born, much stronger will and effort will still be needed to realize true feminist politics and a gender-equal society.